Introduction
Welcome back. In our last lesson, we explored the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a prime example of China's constructive economic statecraft, aimed at building infrastructure and influence through investment. Today, we turn to the other side of the coin: the punitive dimension of China's economic power.
This lesson addresses the learning outcome: Analyze cases of China's economic coercion as a foreign policy tool (e.g., against Australia or South Korea). We will define what economic coercion is and examine how Beijing has used trade, investment, and tourism as weapons to punish countries for political decisions it opposes. This is not a new phenomenon, but its use by China has become increasingly frequent, as the data below shows.

As you can see, this has become a prominent tool in China's foreign policy toolkit, making it essential to understand its logic, mechanisms, and impact.
1. Understanding Economic Coercion: The THAAD Dispute
To build a framework for our analysis, we will start with one of the most widely studied examples: China's response to South Korea's 2016 decision to deploy the US-made Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system. Beijing viewed THAAD's powerful radar as a threat to its own national security and launched a broad campaign of economic pressure to punish Seoul.
This case is invaluable because it reveals the different ways coercion can be applied and which sectors of an economy are most vulnerable.
Chinese Economic Coercion during the THAAD Dispute
The article 'Chinese Economic Coercion during the THAAD Dispute' from The Asan Forum provides an excellent breakdown of this episode. Let's start by understanding the background of the dispute.
Please read the introduction and the section 'Overview of the THAAD dispute'. Focus on why Beijing opposed the THAAD deployment and how the dispute was eventually resolved politically.
As the article notes, China's retaliation was not a single, uniform action. The authors sort the coercive measures into three distinct categories based on the level of direct government involvement. This is a very useful analytical framework.
Let's examine these categories and see what they looked like in practice.
Chinese Economic Coercion during the THAAD Dispute
Now, let's explore the specific forms of coercion China used against South Korea.
Please read the next three sections: 'Category one: apparently deliberate and coordinated retaliation by Chinese authorities': Note the examples of the Lotte Group and the tourism/entertainment sectors. 'Category two: government involvement likely but not nationally coordinated': Focus on the case of electric vehicle batteries. 'Category three: THAAD-related boycotts and other activities that lack direct government involvement': Look at the example of Hyundai and Kia motor vehicles. As you read, think about why these different sectors were targeted in different ways.
The THAAD case reveals a multi-pronged approach to coercion:
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Category 1: Direct and Coordinated State Action. This involved clear, top-down directives. The targeting of Lotte Group was surgical, as the company had provided the land for the THAAD system. State regulators used tools like "fire safety inspections" to shut down dozens of its supermarkets. Similarly, government agencies issued verbal instructions to travel agencies to halt group tours to South Korea and blocked the licensing of Korean cultural products. These were undeniable acts of state policy.
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Category 2: Plausibly Deniable State Action. Here, government action was likely but less overt. The exclusion of South Korean firms like LG and Samsung from EV battery subsidies is a key example. While Beijing never officially linked this to THAAD, the timing and context strongly suggest a connection, allowing China to inflict economic pain while maintaining a degree of plausible deniability. This often occurs in regulated industries where the state has discretionary power.
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Category 3: Popular Nationalism (Boycotts). State-run media fanned the flames of public anger, leading to consumer boycotts of visible South Korean brands like Hyundai cars and Amorepacific cosmetics. While the government didn't order these boycotts, it created the environment for them to flourish. This type of pressure is most effective against consumer-facing brands that are easily substitutable.
2. Australian Resilience and Vulnerability
A more recent case involves China's campaign of coercion against Australia, which began in 2020 after Australia called for an independent inquiry into the origins of Covid-19. This infuriated Beijing, which retaliated with what it called a "shadow trade war."
This case provides a powerful contrast, as it highlights not only a country's vulnerabilities but also its sources of resilience.
[PDF] Chinese coercion, Australian resilience - Lowy Institute
The Lowy Institute report 'Chinese coercion, Australian resilience' by Richard McGregor offers a definitive account of this episode. Let's begin with the overview.
Please read the 'Executive summary' and 'Introduction' (pages 3-5). Focus on the political trigger for the dispute and the overall finding that the coercion campaign largely failed to achieve its objectives.
The central theme of the Australia case is the difference between dependence and interdependence. China targeted sectors where Australia was dependent on the Chinese market and alternatives were scarce, but it avoided sectors where China was equally or more dependent on Australian supply.
Let's look at two contrasting examples from the report.
[PDF] Chinese coercion, Australian resilience - Lowy Institute
To understand this dynamic, we'll compare two sectors: iron ore, which was spared, and wine, which was devastated.
Please read the following two sections: 'IRON ORE' (pages 9-19): Focus on the sub-section '1. LIMITED GLOBAL SUPPLY' (page 10) to understand why China could not easily target this commodity. 'WINE' (pages 30-32): Note how the high tariffs effectively destroyed this export market for Australia. Don't worry about memorizing all the figures; focus on the core reason for the different outcomes.
The contrast is stark:
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Iron Ore (Interdependence): Australia supplies over 60% of China's iron ore imports, which are essential for its steel industry and massive construction sector. High-quality alternatives are not readily available in sufficient quantities. Brazil, the other major supplier, faces logistical and production constraints. Therefore, cutting off Australian iron ore would inflict severe self-harm on the Chinese economy. This is a classic case of interdependence, where both sides need each other, giving Australia leverage.
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Wine (Dependence): China had become the largest and most profitable market for Australian wine. However, for Chinese consumers, Australian wine is easily substitutable with wine from France, Chile, or other countries. By imposing tariffs of over 200%, Beijing could effectively close the market at a low cost to itself, while inflicting significant pain on Australian producers. This is a case of asymmetric dependence.
This pattern holds across the targeted sectors. Commodities like barley, beef, and lobsters, where alternatives were available to Chinese buyers, were hit hard. In contrast, LNG and wool, where Australia is a critical supplier with few substitutes, were largely untouched.
The chart below visualizes this logic. Consumer goods (like wine) are frequent targets of boycotts, while raw materials (like iron ore) are much less so.

Conclusion
The case studies of South Korea and Australia provide clear, practical examples of how China wields economic coercion. By analyzing them, we can derive several key principles about this form of statecraft.
The Asan Forum article concludes with an excellent summary of these principles.
Chinese Economic Coercion during the THAAD Dispute
To synthesize what we've learned, please read the final section of the THAAD article, which draws five key lessons from the case.
Read the section titled 'Lessons on economic power and vulnerability'. This provides a superb summary of the core concepts we've discussed today.
Key Takeaways:
- Coercion is selective, not total. China does not simply cut off all trade. It targets specific sectors to maximize political pain on the target country while minimizing economic self-harm.
- Power comes from asymmetric interdependence. The key variable is substitutability. Sectors are vulnerable if the coercer (China) can easily find alternatives, while the target (e.g., Australia) cannot easily find alternative markets. Sectors are resilient when this interdependence is symmetric (e.g., iron ore).
- The tools of coercion vary. They range from direct, coordinated state actions (regulatory hurdles, licensing bans) to indirect methods like orchestrating popular boycotts against visible consumer brands.
- Plausible deniability is often a goal. By using opaque regulatory measures or blaming "the feelings of the Chinese people," Beijing attempts to inflict pain without technically violating WTO rules or other international agreements.
- Coercion can serve dual purposes. In some cases, punishing a country for a political decision can align with China's industrial policy goals of protecting and promoting its own domestic industries (e.g., EV batteries, auto manufacturing).
Preview of the Next Lesson:
China's use of economic coercion is a central element in its broader geopolitical rivalries. The Australian case, in particular, cannot be fully understood without considering the role of the United States. In our next lesson, we will begin the module on "Contemporary Great Power Relations" by focusing on the most important bilateral relationship of the 21st century, as we explain the shift in U.S.-China relations from engagement to strategic competition.